This research focused on the relationship of memories of childhood physical and sexual abuse, rape and attempted suicide. Two samples (1992, n = 958 and 1998, n = 1520) of college undergraduates were compared by use of similar questionnaires. Both childhood physical and sexual abuse significantly correlate with attempted suicide in both study years. Similarly, rape (victim and perpetrator) also associates with suicide attempts. These findings of child abuse and later suicide attempts are consistent with some past research efforts. The finding of an association between rape and attempted suicide has been little studied and merits further investigation.

One of the more traumatic events of early childhood is the experience of being sexually and/or physically abused. While there are immediate consequences to such victimization, the long range effects of these experiences often lead the individual to diverse adjustment strategies. The literature reports a common tendency of abuse victims to develop immediate traumatic stress reactions such as depression and anxiety along with disturbances in cognitive processing and social relatedness (Briere and Runtz, 1993). Over time, the experience of early childhood trauma may correlate with lasting emotional problems and a variety of dysfunctional behaviors (Boudewyn and Liem, 1995). These problematic behaviors can be manifested by the victim endangering both self and others (Bryant and Range, 1995). Significant among these high-risk activities is the ultimate self-destructive act of suicide (Peters and Range, 1995).

A persistent theme of research on college students focuses on the traumas that lead to victimization and self destructive behavior (Bryant and Range, 1995). There is a vast literature on suicide among college students. Most of the studies describe the epidemiology of suicide (Schwartz, 1990; and Silverman, 1993). In addition to studying the incidence and distribution of suicide, psychologists place their emphasis upon cognitions (Briere and Runtz, 1993) and related emotional states (Yama et al., 1995). Social research has found suicide connected with disturbed social relationships (Conte and Schuerman, 1987).

Behaviors that either precede or are subsequent to attempted suicide have been largely neglected in the literature (Mrazek and Mrazek, 1987; Westefeld et al., 1990). Researchers tend to focus on the emotional and interactional correlates of attempted suicide (Downs and Miller, 1998). Beitchman, et al., (1992a) suggest that the association between childhood physical abuse and suicidality is not known and needs further research. Among college students, Duane, et al. (1997) report no association between a series of emotional and interactional variables and memories of childhood sexual abuse. On the other hand, these researchers found consistently significant relationships between measures of antisocial behavior and memories of sexual abuse during childhood. Therefore, the present research focuses on the behavioral correlates of attempted suicide.

Research evidence supports the notion that coercion of others is associated with earlier traumatic memories (Kendall-Tackett et al., 1993). Among college students, Duane et al. (1997), demonstrate that memories of childhood rape and oral sex are significantly correlated with forced oral and genital intercourse in young adulthood. Moreover, these experiences are subsequently associated with a range of serious delinquencies (e.g., car theft, breaking and entering and arson).

Relatedly, those who are victims are more likely to victimize others (Siegel and Senna, 2000, pp. 64-70). Perpetration and victimization have usually been researched independently (Malik et al., 1997). These authors conclude that being the victim of violence is associated with victimization and perpetration in other contexts. Bridgeland et al. (1995) report that the students who have engaged in promiscuous behavior are more likely to have been sexually victimized. Siegel and Senna (2000, pp. 189-191) state that anti-social behaviors are inter-related to the point of constituting a behavioral problem syndrome. Similarly, those who have engaged in a variety of antisocial behaviors, including victimizing others, are also more apt to be those who attempt suicide (Beitchman et al., 1992b; Browne and Finkelhor, 1986).

The intent of the present research is to examine how suicide attempts relate to memories of early childhood victimization and contemporary anti-social behaviors. Self-destructive behavior or suicide is the dependent variable in this research.

Hypothesis One

A crucial hypothesis in the present study is that college students who have attempted suicide will also have memories of childhood sexual and/or physical victimization (Boudewyn, and Liem, 1995). In their study of the long-term consequences of child sexual abuse, Briere and Runtz (1993) identify categories (i.e., post-traumatic stress symptomatology, cognitive distortions, altered emotionality, disturbed relatedness, avoidance, and impaired self reference) that are found to be useful in understanding the impact of this form of early trauma. The current research focuses on attempted suicide, a sub-category of Briere and Runtz's typology. Briefly, childhood traumas of sexual abuse (Yama et al., 1995) and physical abuse (Bryant and Range, 1995) can lead to suicide during the college years.

Hypothesis Two

Rape (whether as a victim or as a perpetrator) will be directly correlated with attempted suicide. Most research focuses on the cognitive and emotional correlates of suicide, while the present research explores its behavioral associates. More specifically, those who have attempted suicide engage in other anti-social behaviors, such as promiscuity, substance abuse and violence (Siegel and Senna, 2000, pp. 189191). It is therefore anticipated that those reporting attempted suicide will also be both victims and perpetrators of rape (Duane, et al., 1997).

This study was designed to investigate the role of certain victimization experiences important to attempted suicide among college students. The explanatory variables include child sexual abuse, child physical abuse, adult sexual victimization and adult sexual perpetration. Two nonclinical samples were collected in 1992 and 1998 through methods that lessened the influence of false memories about childhood experiences. Because earlier events may be altered to fit current beliefs, nonintrusive techniques of data gathering were crucial.

In the study of stressful events, clinical interviews can provide rich personal data, while surveys measure an extensive range of variables. In a study contrasting questionnaires with in-depth interviews, there were no significant differences in the prevalence rates of childhood sexual abuse (Stinson and Hendrick, 1992). Therefore, this research involved group-administered questionnaires consisting of forced-choice items that were given to students at Michigan State University on two different occasions (1992 and 1998). In both years, the questionnaires were pre-tested using 200 students from the same population base. The instruments were comprised of 99 questions in 1992 and 87 in 1998 dealing with cognitive and behavioral experiences and family dynamics. The scales ranged from zero (never) to nine (nine or more times). In 1992, descriptive measures (i.e., unweighted response frequencies or percentages) were felt to be appropriate. Because of the interest in comparing the two data sets, the 1998 analysis employed similar techniques.

Measurement: Independent Variables

There are four sets of independent variables in the present study: child sexual abuse; child physical abuse; adult sexual victimization; adult sexual perpetration. As for child sexual abuse, Wyatt and Peters (1986) maintained that using activity-specific questions produces a higher rate of reported occurrence than does asking fewer questions. The 1992 analysis followed their lead and extended this logic to other independent variables. The use of behaviorally focused questions to enhance recall of traumatic events is crucial due to Fish and Scott's (1999) report of memory gaps even among human-service providers. In 1992, the most extreme forms of childhood sexual abuse (e.g., oral-genital intercourse; and sexual intercourse) were employed because of their significant correlation (Duane, et al., 1997).

These behaviors were selected because of the researchers' expectation that enduring and stressful consequences of sexual victimization during childhood would be most evident in the extreme forms. In order to maintain the comparative analysis, the measure of childhood sexual abuse in 1998 was restricted to these extreme forms. Correspondingly, the measures of adult sexual victimization and adult sexual perpetration were forced oral and genital intercourse in both 1992 and in 1998. Physical abuse in childhood was measured by respondent's reports of burns and head injuries. These traumas were selected because they had the highest average correlation with all the other variables in physical abuse in 1992 (r = .53).

Chronbach alphas are presented for factors that are measured by three or more variables. Reliability and validity of the measures were previously assessed (Duane, et al., 1997). When less than three variables are present, the Pearson (product moment) correlation is substituted for the alphas. The following are the measures of association for the independent variables for both years:

1 Sexual abuse in childhood

(1992 - 5 item alpha = .94, 2 item r = .33; 1998 - 2 item r = .77)

2 Physical abuse in childhood

(1992 - 5 item alpha = .42, 2 item r = .53; 1998 - 2 item r = .77)

3 Sexual victimization in adulthood

(1992 - 5 item alpha = .57, 2 item r = .60; 1998 - 2 item r = .80)

4 Sexual perpetration in adulthood

(1992 - 5 item alpha = .51, 2 item r = .65; 1998 - 2 item r = .82)

Measurement: Dependent Variables

Suicidality in both 1992 and in 1998 were measured by the respondents' reported frequency of suicidal ideation (thoughts of suicide generally), suicidal implementation (thoughts of different ways of committing suicide), and suicidal activation (attempts to commit suicide). The alphas for the two years are as follows:

Suicidality (ideation, implementation, activation)

(1992 - 3 item alpha = .71; 1998 - 3 item alpha = .79)

In these studies, the control variables were social class and sex. Because of the high and consistent relationships between occupation, income and education, the educational attainment of the primary income producer in the family was selected as a substitute for social class. Due to the somewhat different categories of educational level between 1992 and 1998, the results are comparable but not identical. In both studies, the educational extremes were chosen to better underscore the variations in the results. The measures of the lower end in both years were the same: "graduated from high school or less education." In the 1998 data, the upper extreme was measured by "received an advanced degree" while the upper end in 1992 was "graduated from college or more education."

Samples

The subjects were drawn from required interdisciplinary general-education classes in the social sciences at Michigan State University during 1992 and again in 1998. These undergraduates were selected in order to avoid any distortion that could occur by choosing respondents from traditional disciplinary courses. The age and curricular distribution of students are similar to other underclassmen. Furthermore, the number of students included in the data analysis made up a preponderance of those students enrolled in the classes sampled (1992=75%, 1998=95%). The number of respondents by class section ranged from 60 to 400 in 1992, and from 100 to 450 in 1998.

The number of the respondents in 1998 was 1520 while there were 958 respondents in 1992. Of these 1520, 50.6% were women while 49.4% were men in 1998. Whereas in 1992, 60.5% were women and 39.5% were men. Furthermore, in 1998 35.6% of the total sample reported that the major wage earner in their family had received an advanced degree. On the other hand, 18.6% reported that the major wage earner had a high school diploma or less. In 1992, 62.4% of the total sample reported that the major wage earner in their family was a college graduate whereas 19.0% reported that the major wage earner had a high school diploma or less.

Students were told of their right to refuse to take the questionnaire without any consequences regarding their course performance prior to taking the survey. Moreover, students were also informed that they could stop taking the instrument any time during the course of administration. In both years, the average completion time was approximately 25 minutes. Students were assured that their responses would be confidential, as well. The instructors assisted in the administration in each study year. Because of the personal nature of many of the items, respondents were promised that they could bring their questions or concerns to the researchers, one of whom is a therapist with a state license.

Table One presents the total number and percentages of people who have been abused, perpetrated abuse and attempted suicide for 1992 and in 1998. The 1992 data reveal a substantial degree of response consistency. For instance, the figures for the total sample range from a low of 1.1% (adult oral victim) to a high of 3.0% (adult suicide attempts). The percentage distribution by sex and social class reveal similar patterns. Males report a higher percentage rate in seven of the nine variables. The numbers reported by the higher social class exceeds the lower social class in all nine variables.

However, the 1998 data show number and percentages much in excess of 1992. The highest percentage and number are reported by those who were forced into genital intercourse as an adult. Two other high categories are memories of childhood head injuries and being an adult-oral-sex victim. Female respondents are more likely to report being sexually victimized in both 1992 and in 1998 than are males. By contrast, increases are shown in child abuse for males and in sexual perpetration for females between 1992 and 1998. The pattern of sexual-abuse memories is essentially the same for the two years. Reported victimization is more frequent among the higher social class in 1992 while the pattern reverses in the 1998 data. The only variable that is not greater than the 1992 data is the number of high social-class respondents who report suicide attempts.

Table Two presents the correlations of memories of childhood abuse (both physical and sexual) and current suicide attempts for the total sample in both research years. The pattern found in Table One with much higher percentages in 1998 than in 1992 is reflected in Table Two. The most evident factor here is the high and significant correlations between abusive childhood memories and current suicidal attempts by the 958 study participants in 1992 and the 1520 respondents in 1998. In 1992, the association between the two indices of physical abuse shows considerably higher correlation coefficients with current suicide attempts than do the measures of sexual abuse. However, all coefficients meet or exceed the .0001 level of significance. In 1998, this pattern of coefficients is not repeated even though the correlations are substantially similar to the corresponding figures for 1992. There is some indication in 1998, nevertheless, that memories of sexual abuse with current suicide attempts and memories of physical abuse with current suicide attempts are essentially the same.

The correlations of the dependent variable or suicide attempts with child victimization can be seen in Tables Three and Four. Table Three contains the memories of childhood abuse (both physical and sexual) and current suicide attempts for both sexes in both research years. One of the most visible findings in Table Three is the generally high correlations of both types of abuse with current suicide attempts for males in 1998. In 1992, the relationship between physical abuse and suicide attempts for both sexes seems to be fairly well established. With regard to sexual abuse in the same year, the data reveal an insignificant pattern. In contrast, the 1998 data for both sexes and for both types of abuse, indicate a general pattern of statistical significance. More specifically, of the eight possible 1998 correlations only one fails to reach the level of significance. In 1992, 50% of the correlations failed to reach this significance. Across the two years, physical abuse shows the most consistent relationship with present suicide attempts. However, the 1992 data were low in that one out of the four correlations failed to reach the criterion of significance.

Table Four is the social class data on the relationship between memories of childhood abuse (both physical and sexual) and current suicide attempts in both research years. Table Four shows that across both years for both low and high social class respondents, childhood memories of physical or sexual abuse relates significantly to contemporary suicide attempts. The only exceptions are sexual abuse reported by the lower social class respondents and head injuries among high social class respondents in 1992. In this year, the relationship between prior physical abuse and present suicide attempts characteristic of lower social class respondents are the strongest associations in the entire table. The relationship between past sexual abuse and current suicide attempts does not reach the criterion of significance in 1992, by contrast. In 1998, all the relationships between the variables are significant with impressive coefficients for most relationships. There is a substantial difference between lower class respondents between the study years on sexual abuse.

Tables Five, Six, and Seven represent a shift from memories of past trauma to present experiences. The total sample correlations of rape and suicide attempts for both 1992 and 1998 are found on Table Five. The overall pattern is one of significance for both study years in all categories of sexual assault. Although achieving the same levels of significance, the coefficients for 1998 are more dramatic.

Table Six shows high and significant correlations with the consistent exception of females in 1992 for both categories of rape and suicide attempts whether one is a victim or a perpetrator of sexual abuse. In all circumstances, the size of the male coefficient is larger than the corresponding female coefficient.

The social class data in Table Seven shows significant correlations for both categories of sexual victimization for both social classes in 1998. This pattern was found only among the lower social class respondents in 1992. A consistent pattern of non significance was found for higher social class respondents during the same year. Moreover, the size of the coefficients for lower social class respondents in both study years exceeds the corresponding coefficients for higher social class respondents in these years.

In summary, there is a positive association between victimization and current suicidal attempts. More specifically, this association is present regardless of whether one is examining physical or sexual abuse. Secondly, the relationship remains regardless of whether one is the victim or the perpetrator of rape. Furthermore, these associations are stronger for the male and higher class sample (Duane, et al, 1997).

There are, for the most part, substantial increases in the percentage of reported incidence for all research variables from 1992 to 1998 (see Table One). This is the case for the total sample and for both sex and social class sub-samples. There are a number of possible explanations for this divergence. An artifact of the sample and questionnaire characteristics (e.g., sample size and survey length) between the two years could be one reason. A genuine increase and/or a greater willingness to admit victimization could be other possible explanations.

The present study found a strong and stable association between childhood abuse (both physical and sexual) and attempted suicide in both research years (Table Two). Consequently, Hypothesis One (college students who attempt suicide also have memories of childhood sexual and/or physical victimization) is confirmed.

One common explanation for this relationship has to do with the defensive systems generated by the experience of childhood victimization (Beitchman, et al., 1992a). Harm coming from a trusted other produces a tendency to believe that those who are trusted will also be those who will injure you. This betrayal is especially true in a small family network. When a child is abused by someone important to him/her, the child will need to develop some explanation as to why this event occurred (Browne and Finkelhor, 1986).

Given the fundamental nature of the parent-child attachment, the major purpose of the explanation will be to protect the perpetrator from responsibility (Steele, 1980, pp. 68-70). To this end, the child will perceive him/herself to be the reason why the abuse occurred. Many victims will say such things as, "Dad can't be wrong, so it's me." The consequence of these defenses will be to produce guilt and shame. Attempted suicide may be a mechanism whereby guilt and shame can be acted out (Kendlon and Thompson, 1999, pp. 158-175).

Many studies have explored the relationship between sexual abuse in early childhood and long-term dysfunctional behavior (Duane et al., 1997). Relatively fewer studies have demonstrated the relationship between suicide attempts and physical abuse. One reason for this lack of research on the lasting consequences of physical abuse may be due to the continuing cultural acceptance of physical punishment (Bryant and Range, 1995; Straus, 1994, pp. 88-89). Another factor may be the rise of the sexual-abuse awareness movement that may have overshadowed a societal concern for the physical battering of children. It is ironic that the original identification of the "Battered Child" (Kempe and Helfer, 1980) did not inspire a social movement and research outpouring comparable to that produced by the identification of sexual abuse. The present data demonstrate that physical abuse should have equal attention with sexual abuse for understanding long-term dysfunctional behavior.

While the correlations between child physical and sexual abuse with current suicide attempts, for the total sample, is high and significant in both data years, the analysis by sex (Table Three) and social class (Table Four) show some variations. In 1998, the correlations are more uniformly significant. Undoubtedly, the research questionnaire and administration were not as rigorous in 1992 as in 1998. The basis for this conclusion is that some 1992 students raised concerns about the meaning of some questions, which did not happen in 1998. Moreover, while all 1998 instruments were given at the beginning of the class hour, some were given at the end in 1992. In addition, there has been a real increase in social awareness of and willingness to communicate about being victimized in the last decade.

Aggression and/or violence takes many forms ranging from mild acts (e.g., pushing and swearing) to the severe (e.g., rape and murder). Severe violence to others is related to suicide. Children who kill have recurrent self-destructive tendencies. In other words, the link between suicide and homicide is a significant factor in understanding violence during childhood. There is some evidence to suggest that those who are incarcerated for violent acts are more likely to attempt suicide than to suffer capital punishment (Gilligan, 1996, pp. 41-43). Garbarino (1999, p. 9), in his study of children who kill, reports that during the process of capture, these boys said, "Kill me! Kill me!." There are instances whereby murder is an attempt at suicide. "Suicide by cop" refers to the creation of a lethal situation where the police become the suicidal instrument.

There appears to be a similar relationship between rape and attempted suicide. Unlike the relationship between homicide and suicide, there is very little research done on the connection between rape and suicidal acts. However, Choquet et al. (1997) found that rape, among French adolescents, is associated with a number of destructive behavioral problems, including suicidal attempts. In the present research, rape (whether as a victim or as a perpetrator) is directly correlated with attempted suicide. Those who have been raped (whether oral or genital) are likely to attempt suicide. Similarly, those who perpetrate rape (either oral or genital) are apt to try to take their own life. Hypothesis two is confirmed for both 1992 and 1998.

The importance of child abuse, especially child sexual abuse, in understanding much self-destructive behavior is well documented. In contrast, there is much less study of physical abuse in childhood and its significance in explaining suicidal behavior. In like manner, while there is research on rape and its consequences for victims, there is a paucity of studies on rape's suicidal repercussions for victims. Even more so, there has been very little work done on the relationships of rape perpetrators and their suicidal behaviors. Although the current effort does address this deficiency and establish the relationships, much more investigation is needed.

The present research is drawn from two large student samples over two different academic years. Most studies have been small self-selected psychology or social science classes. While the reality of small sample sets is easy to understand, future research should emphasize an array of respondent backgrounds, interests, and ages. One way to achieve this large sample is to survey large university classes.

Because child abuse and rape have serious consequences for suicide, ideally researchers should go beyond the university setting. Public schools, family courts, penal institutions, and religious organizations are possible research settings. The utilization of such diverse samples will go a long way toward verification or refutation of the robust nature of the present findings.

An emerging concern in the literature is with those individuals who are exposed to noxious circumstances but who, nonetheless, are able to function with apparent success. These individuals are referred to as resilients (Peters and Range, 1995, p. 339). By increasing the diversity of the samples, research will be better able to assess the traits and circumstances that distinguish resilients from those who attempt suicide.

Respondents Who: Were Abused; Perpetrated Abuse, and Attempted Suicide 1992 Data

Legend for Chart:

A - Variables
B - Total Sample (n = 958)
C - Sex Role, Male (n = 375)
D - Sex Role, Female (n = 583)
E - Social Class, Low (n = 168)
F - Social Class, High (n = 604)

A                                B              C              D
                                                E              F

Childhood Burns          1.7% (16)      2.4% (09)      1.2% (07)
                                        0.2% (03)      2.0% (12)

Childhood Head Injury    2.4% (23)       3.5%(13)      1.7% (10)
                                         0.1%(02)       3.0%(16)

Childhood Oral Abuse     1.7% (16)       1.3%(05)       1.8%(11)
                                         0.2%(03)       1.7%(11)

Childhood Genital Abuse  1.7% (16)      1.6% (06)      1.6% (10)
                                        0.3% (05)      1.3% (08)

Adult Oral Victim        1.1% (11)       O.5%(02)       1.5%(09)
                                         0.3%(05)       0.5%(03)

Adult Genital Victim     2.0% (19)      1.3% (05)      2.3% (14)
                                        0.4% (06)      1.7% (10)

Adult Oral Perpetrator   1.3% (13)      2.5% (10)       1.4%(03)
                                         0.2%(03)       1.2%(07)

Adult Genital            1.8% (17)      3.3% (13)      0.5% (04)
Perpetrator                             0.2% (04)      1.2% (07)

Adult Suicide Attempts    3.0%(29)       3.0%(11)       3.0%(18)
                                         0.3%(05)       2.6%(16)

1998 Data

Legend for Chart:

A - Variables
B - Total Sample (n = 1520)
C - Sex Role, Male (n = 750)
D - Sex Role, Female (n = 770)
E - Social Class, Low (n = 286)
F - Social Class, High (n = 533)

A                                B              C              D
                                                E              F

Childhood Burns         6.3% (112)      9.2% (69)     5.6% (043)
                                        8.4% (24)      6.0% (32)

Childhood Head Injury   8.0% (123)      9.5% (71)     6.8% (052)
                                        8.1% (23)      6.6% (35)

Childhood Oral Abuse    3.9% (061)      3.6% (27)     4.4% (034)
                                        5.6% (16)      2.1% (11)

Childhood Genital       3.6% (055)      3.3% (25)     3.9% (030)
Abuse                                   4.5% (13)      1.9% (10)

Adult Oral Victim       7.4% (122)      6.0% (45)    10.0% (077)
                                        7.7% (22)      5.8% (31)

Adult Genital Victim   11.4% (176)      7.5% (56)    15.6% (120)
                                       14.3% (41)      8.3% (44)

Adult Oral              5.1% (079)      8.0% (60)     2.5% (019)
Perpetrator                             6.3% (18)      4.1% (22)

Adult Genital           4.8% (072)      6.4% (48)     3.1% (024)
Perpetrator                             5.9% (17)      2.8% (17)

Adult Suicide Attempts  5.1% (080)      4.5% (34)     6.0% (046)
                                        5.6% (16)      2.8% (15)

Memories of Childhood Abuse and Current Suicide Attempts: Total Sample Correlations

Legend for Chart:

A - 1992 (n = 958)
B - 1998 (n = 1520)

                                        A                     B

CATEGORIES OF ABUSE

  Physical Abuse

   Burns                              .30                    .45
   Head Injuries                      .35                    .45

  Sexual Abuse

   Oral                               .15                    .50
   Genital                            .16                    .54

Note. All rs are significant, p less than or equal to .0001.

Memories of Childhood Abuse and Current Suicide Attempts: Sexual Correlations

Legend for Chart:

A - 1992, Male (n = 375)
B - 1992, Female (n = 583)
C - 1998, Male (n = 750)
D - 1998, Female (n = 770)

                                 A         B         C         D

CATEGORIES OF ABUSE

  Physical Abuse

   Burns                    .10[a]       .41       .52       .20
   Head Injuries               .36       .39       .51       .20

  Sexual Abuse

   Oral                     .02[a]    .13[a]       .61    .10[a]
   Genital                  .10[a]       .17       .68       .20

Note. All rs are significant, p less than or equal to .0001, unless otherwise indicated (a = non significant).

Childhood Abuse Memories and Current Suicide Attempts: Social Class Correlations

Legend for Chart:

A - 1992, High (n=604)
B - 1992, Low (n=168)
C - 1998, High (n=533)
D - 1998, Low (n=286)

                                 A         B         C         D

CATEGORIES OF ABUSE

  Physical Abuse

   Burns                       .16       .70       .17       .55
   Head Injuries            .08[a]       .96       .17       .54

Sexual Abuse

  Oral                         .30    .02[a]       .25       .42
  Genital                      .42    .05[a]       .48       .55

Note. All rs are significant, p less than or equal to .0001, unless otherwise indicated (degree = non significant).

Rape and Suicide Attempts: Total Sample Correlations

Legend for Chart:

A - 1992 (n = 958)
B - 1998 (n = 1520)

                                         A                     B

CATEGORIES OF RAPE

  Victim

   Oral                                .23                   .48
   Genital                             .30                   .41

  Perpetrator

   Oral                                .29                   .51
   Genital                             .36                   .52

Note. All rs are significant, p less than or equal to .0001.

Rape and Suicide Attempts: Sexual Correlations

Legend for Chart:

A - 1992, Male (n = 375)
B - 1992, Female (n = 583)
C - 1998, Male (n = 750)
D - 1998, Female (n = 770)

                                A            B        C        D

CATEGORIES OF RAPE

  Victim

   Oral                       .42       .07[a]      .58      .26
   Genital                    .57       .13[a]      .48      .17

  Perpetrator

   Oral                       .44       .01[a]      .54      .41
   Genital                    .58       .01[a]      .54      .36

Note. All rs are significant, p less than or equal to .0001. unless otherwise indicated (degree = non significant).

Rape and Suicide Attempts: Social Class Correlations

Legend for Chart:

A - 1992, High (n=604)
B - 1992, Low (n=168)
C - 1998, High (n=533)
D - 1998, Low (n=286)

                                A            B        C       D

CATEGORIES OF RAPE

  Victim

   Oral                    .11[a]          .68      .30      .48
   Genital                 .06[a]          .85      .23      .39

  Perpetrator

   Oral                    .01[a]          .63      .31      .61
   Genital                 .01[a]          .69      .49      .56

Note. All rs are significant, p less than or equal to .0001, unless otherwise indicated (a = non significant).

Beitchman, J. H., Zucker, K. J., Hood, J. E., daCosta, G. A., Akman D., & Cassavia E. (1992a). A review of the short-term effects of child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 15, 537-555.

Beitchman, J. H., Zucker, K. J., Hood, J. E., daCosta, G. A., Akman, D., & Cassavia, E. (1992b). A review of the long-term effects of child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 16, 101-118.

Boudewyn, A. C., & Huser Liem, J. H. (1995). Childhood sexual abuse as a precursor to depression and self-destructive behavior in adulthood. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 8, 445-459.

Bridgeland, W. M., Duane, E. A. & Stewart, C. S., (1995). Sexual victimization among undergraduates. College Student Journal, 29, 16-25.

Briere, J., & Runtz, M. (1993). Childhood sexual abuse: Long-term sequelae and implications for psychological assessment. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 8, 312-330.

Browne, A., & Finkelhor, D. (1986). Impact of child sexual abuse: A review of the research. Psychological Bulletin, 99, 66-77.

Bryant, S. L., & Range, L. M. (1995). Suicidality in college women who were sexually and physically abused and physically punished by parents. Violence and Victims, 10, 195-201.

Choquet, M., Darves-Bornoz, J-M., Ledoux, S., Manfredi, R. & Hassler, C. (1997). Self-reported health and behavioral problems among adolescent victims of rape in France: Results cross-sectional survey. Child Abuse & Neglect. 21, 823-832.

Conte, J. R., & Shuerman, J. (1987). Factors associated with an increased impact of child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 11, 201-211.

Downs, W. R., & Miller, B. A. (1998). Relationships between experiences of parental violence during childhood and women's psychiatric symptomatology. Journal of Interpersonal violence, 13, 438-455.

Duane, E. A., Stewart, C. S., & Bridgeland, W. M. (1997). Consequences of child sexual abuse for college students. Journal of College Student Development, 38, 13-23.

Fish, V., & Scott, C. G. (1999). Childhood abuse recollections in a non clinical population: Forgetting and secrecy. Child Abuse & Neglect, 23, 791-802.

Garbarino, J. (1999). Lost Boys: Why Our Sons Turn Violent and How We Can Save Them. New York: The Free Press.

Gilligan, J. (1996). Violence: Our Deadly Epidemic and Its Causes. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.

Kempe, C. H., & R.E. Helfer, (Eds.). (1980) The Battered Child, (3rd Ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Kendall-Tackett, K., Williams, L. M., & Finkelhor, D. (1993). Impact of sexual abuse on children: A review and synthesis of recent empirical studies. psychological Bulletin, 113, 164-180.

Kindlon, D., & Thompson, M. (1999). Raising Cain: Protecting the Emotional Life of Boys. New York: Ballatine Books.

Malik, S., Sorenson, S. B., & Aneshensel, C. S. (1997). Community and dating violence among adolescents: Perpetration and victimization. Journal of Adolescent Health, 21, 291-302.

Mrazek, P. J., & Mrazek, D. A. (1987). Resilience in child maltreatment victims: A conceptual exploration. Child Abuse & Neglect, 11, 357-366.

Peters, D. K., & Range, L. M. (1995). Childhood sexual abuse and current suicidality in college women and men. Child Abuse & Neglect, 19, 335-341.

Schwartz, A. (1990). The epidemiology of suicide among students at colleges and universities in the United States. College Student Suicide, 2544.

Siegel, L. J., & Senna, J. (2000). Juvenile delinquency: Theory, practice, and law, (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning.

Silverman, M. M. (1993). Campus student suicide rates: Fact or artifact? Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 329-342.

Steele, B. (1980). Psychodynamic factors in child abuse. In C. H. Kempe, & R. E. Helfer, (Eds.). The Battered Child, (3rd Ed., pp. 49-85). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Stinson, M. H., & Hendrick, S. S. (1992). Reported childhood sexual abuse in university counseling center clients. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 19. 370-374.

Straus, M. A., with D. A. Donnelly. (1994). Beating the Devil Out of Them: Corporal Punishment in American Families. New York: Lexington Books.

Westefeld, J. S., Whitchard, K. A., & Range, L. M. (1990). College and university student suicide: Trends and implications. The Counseling Psychologist, 18, 464-476.

Wyatt, G. E., & Peters, S. D. (1986). Methodological considerations in research on the prevalence of child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect. 10, 241-251.

Yama, M. F., Tovey, S. L., Fogas, B. S., & Morris, J. (1995). The relationship among childhood sexual abuse, parental alcoholism, family environment and suicidal behavior in female college students. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 4, 79-02.

~~~~~~~~

By William M. Bridgeland; Edward A. Duane and Cyrus S. Stewart, Michigan State University ton hwest rie Daniel, M.ED, Doctoral Candidate in Allied Health Education, University of Houston