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| Title: | Uses of erotica and acceptance of rape myths. |
| Subject(s): | |
| Source: | |
| Author(s): | |
| Abstract: | Studies the effects of sexually explicit materials. Erotica as functional media content; Erotica as harmful media content; Connecting erotica and acceptance of rape myths; Reasons for using erotica; Exposure to erotica; Hostile beliefs about women; Predicting acceptance of rape myths. |
| AN: | 9503104004 |
| ISSN: | 0093-6502 |
| Full Text Word Count: | 10193 |
| Database: | Academic Search Premier |
Studies document wide use of erotica, or sexually explicit materials (Abelson, Cohen, Heaton, & Suder, 1971; Attorney General's Commission, 1986; Bryant & Brown, 1989; Press et al., 1985).[2] Recent innovations in distribution, such as video, computer, cable, and satellite transmission, have made erotica more widely available to a larger audience (see Attorney General's Commission, 1986; Weaver, 1991b for a summary).
As the audience for erotica grows, there are divergent views about the use of sexually explicit materials. Consumers, producers, distributors, sex therapists, and others assert that erotica is functional because it educates, stimulates, and entertains (Glide Foundation, 1971; "The place of pornography," 1984; Press et al., 1985; Yaffe, 1982). Moralists are concerned that sexually explicit material undermines society's values and may lead to acceptance of immoral or deviant activity (Linz & Malamuth, 1993). Some feminists argue that sexually explicit materials demean and objectify women and promote unsympathetic beliefs about and attitudes toward sexual coercion and exploitation (Brownmiller, 1975; Morgan, 1980).
Communication scholars have been at the heart of this debate. Through experimental and survey research, researchers have attempted to uncover the costs and benefits of sexually explicit materials. Scholars have offered theoretical explanations for the connection between exposure to sexual material and beliefs about and attitudes toward sexual coercion and exploitation (Burt, 1980; Malamuth, 1989; Malamuth & Briere, 1986; Zillmann & Weaver, 1989). However there is very little consensus among researchers about the effects of erotica on beliefs, attitudes, and behavior.
This study examined a much studied audience of erotica, college students, and tested two different models of the effects of sexually explicit material. The first model is based on a liberal view that holds that sexually explicit materials are functional, for the most part harmless, and provide fantasy and sexual stimulation (Linz & Malamuth, 1993). The second model is drawn from a feminist social responsibility view that holds that sexually explicit material objectifies and demeans women and leads those who use erotica to internalize those themes (Linz & Malamuth, 1993).
This study, then, tested different connections between reasons for using sexually explicit material, exposure to erotica, and three types of hostile beliefs about women that reflect a cultural background that oppresses women (Burt, 1980). Gender-role stereotyping marks negativity toward nonconformity to traditional gender roles. Sexual conservatism refers to negativity toward nonconformity to traditional sexual behavior. Rape myths are a combination of prejudiced, stereotypical, and factually incorrect beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists. These together reflect "a climate hostile to rape victims" (Burt, 1980, p. 217).
Erotica as Functional Media Content
Advocates of a liberal model of the effects of sexually explicit materials (see Linz & Malamuth, 1993; see also Malamuth & Billings, 1986) hold that laboratory research that connects exposure to harmful effects is not externally valid. Instead, sexual material is, for the most part, beneficial. Negative reactions to erotica are explained by individual characteristics.
Advocates of the liberal model argue that there is little valid evidence that erotica is linked to harmful effects. Analyses in various countries find that rape has not increased any more than other violent crimes when consumption of sexually explicit materials increases (Kutchinsky, 1991). Moreover, correlations between circulation of sex magazines and rape rates in the United States are reduced to non significance by controlling for attitudes toward violence (Baron & Straus, 1984). Brannigan and Goldenberg (1987) argue that laboratory research demonstrating harmful consequences of exposure to erotica is methodologically flawed, artificial, and not generalizable to real-world exposure. The critics explain that subjects may not typically be angered (as they are in many experiments) when they are exposed to erotica in their daily lives. Moreover, the laboratory setting offers few (if any) of the real-world sanctions to the expression of negative attitudes or behaviors; in the laboratory subjects are allowed a much more limited range of responses to sexually explicit material than they could have in the real world.
Several writers argue that sexual content is educational, therapeutic, entertaining, and increases sexual pleasure. A Newsweek poll, for example, found that 52% of the respondents believed that sexually explicit media content provides information about sex (Press et al., 1985). Winick's (1971) interviews with patrons of adult movies found that many men reported that they gained information about sexual practices, learned about female bodies and anatomy, and satisfied the* curiosity about sexual practices. Propper (1971) reported a positive relationship between exposure to sexual material and knowledge about sex.
Therapeutic uses of sexually explicit materials have been documented for adolescents, medical students, disabled adults, and sexually dysfunctional people (see Yaffe, 1982 for a summary). Wilson (1978) argued that erotica can prevent sexual problems because it provides information about sex, relieves sexual anxieties and inhibitions, and facilitates communication about sex between partners.
The 1971 Commission on Obscenity and Pornography concluded that sexually explicit materials could have a cathartic effect and replace sexual acts. Several studies found that sex offenders and people who engaged in "abnormal" sexual behavior were less exposed to erotica (Cook & Fosen, 1971; Johnson, Kupperstein, & Peters, 1971; Walker, 1971).
Entertainment is another functional use of erotica. Most respondents (61%) in the Newsweek poll reported that sexually explicit materials were entertaining. Some men who attended adult movies reported that they found the movies humorous and derived pleasure from critically evaluating the plots, settings, and technical aspects of the films (Winick, 1971). Downs (1987) pointed out that erotica may "offer compensation for the ineluctable limits of the human condition" and help people deal with societal taboos (p. 673).
Erotica also functions to enhance sexual feelings and experiences. Some men reported that attending adult movies led to sexual arousal and inspired sexual acts with their partners. A few respondents suggested that the films encouraged safe fantasies with unknown and unrealistic women (Winick, 1971). Some patrons of adult movies reported that they enjoyed sex more after viewing adult movies and used the films to become "sexually primed" for their partners (Nawy, 1973).
Although much research has focused on male erotica consumers, women also report that they derive benefits from sexual materials. Studies reveal that women read erotic romance novels for entertainment, escape, to pass time, to satisfy curiosity, to learn more about sex, as a prelude to sex or masturbation, to enhance fantasies, and to relax (Coles & Shamp, 1984; Lawrence & Herold, 1988).
The liberal model also concludes that individuals interpret sexual messages differently, so that individual differences explain people's reactions to erotica (Linz & Malamuth, 1993). Attitudinal predispositions, such as sex guilt (believing that sexual thoughts are harmful) and sexual authoritarianism (less tolerance for sexual expression) lead people to label sexual content as harmful and to advocate its restriction (Kelley & Byrne, 1983). The first goal of this study was to explore some of the tenets of this liberal model of erotica. This study focused on college students because most research on the effects of erotica has used a college sample. Moreover, surveys have found that college students are likely to use sexually explicit materials (Demare, Briere, & Lips, 1988; Garcia, 1986). Most research agrees that typical consumers of erotica have attended at least some college (Lindquist & Cave, 1979). Because little research has explored people's reasons for consuming erotica beyond earlier interviews with patrons of adult movies (Nawy, 1973; Winick, 1971), the first step was to identify the college students/reasons for watching and reading sexually explicit media content. Research Question 1: What are the reasons college students report for using erotica?
The liberal model is similar to the uses and gratifications model, which explains that reasons for using media content and personal predispositions influence exposure (Katz, Blumler, & Gurevitch, 1974; Rubin, 1986). The next step of this study was to explore how hostile beliefs about women and reasons for using sexually explicit materials are related to exposure to erotica.
Research Question 2: How are hostile beliefs about women and reasons for using sexually explicit material related to exposure to erotica?
Erotica as Harmful Media Content
Another model that explains the relationship between sexually explicit materials and effects is based on feminist social responsibility views (Linz & Malamuth, 1993).3 Advocates of this model argue that sexually explicit material conveys an antifemale ideology. Erotica is seen as objectifying and dehumanizing women, portraying women as servants to men's sexual desires, denying female sexuality, and promoting sexual and social subordination of and violence toward women (Brownmiller, 1975; Lederer, 1980).
Experimental research has observed connections between exposure to erotica and several adversarial beliefs about women. Exposure to sexually explicit materials has been linked to perceptions that one's mate is less sexually attractive (Weaver, Masland, & Zillmann, 1984) and to less satisfaction with one's partner's affection, physical appearance, and sexual performance (Zillmann & Bryant, 1988).
Experiments also observe that exposure to erotica leads men to be more accepting of violence toward women and less sympathetic toward women's viewpoints and feelings in the sexual and nonsexual arena (see Weaver, l991b; Zillmann & Weaver, 1989). Prolonged experimental exposure to sexually explicit materials is associated with increased acceptance of violence against women (Malamuth & Check, 1981), increased aggressive behavior against women (Donnerstein & Berkowitz, 1981), increased acceptance of rape myths in both men and women (Malamuth & Check, 1985), and less compassion for rape victims and recommendations of lighter sentences for rapists (Zillmann & Bryant, 1982). Advocates of the feminist social responsibility model argue that these beliefs and attitudes may "justify male dominance and female submissiveness," may be "rape supportive," and may be associated with a "broader acceptance of violence in nonsexual situations" (Linz & Malamuth, 1993, p. 47).
Survey research provides some limited support for this model. Malamuth and Check (1985) reported that reading men's magazines such as Penthouse and Playboy was positively related to beliefs that women enjoy being raped. Burt (1980) noted that exposure to media treatment of sexual assault was linked to acceptance of rape myths. And Preston (1990) found that exposure to mainstream soft-porn magazines and X-rated videos was related to male college students holding more gender-role stereotypes. Other researchers, however, located no connections between exposure to sexually explicit material and several adversarial attitudes toward or beliefs about women (Demare et al., 1988; Padgett, Brislin-Slutz, & Neal, 1989).
Scholars have offered theoretical explanations for the connection between exposure to sexually explicit material and hostile views about women and rape myth acceptance. Zillmann and Weaver (1989), for example, suggest that negative depictions of women in sexually explicit media content may become the basis for schemata or scripts about women and sexuality that direct thoughts and behavior (Fiske & Taylor, 1984). Social learning theory suggests that the rewards inherent in exposure to erotica make the content more likely to be learned and imitated. Malamuth and Briere (1986) suggest that erotica's effects on sexual aggression are indirect. According to their model, exposure to sexually explicit media content affects how people think about women and rape, which then influences behavior.
The uses and gratifications perspective also holds that exposure to media content provides only part of the explanation for media effects. According to this perspective, people are active because they select media content for specific reasons. People's reasons for using media content influence attention levels, how they interpret content, how actively they use the content, and attitudinal and cognitive effects (Katz et al., 1974; Levy & Windahl, 1985; McLeod & Becker, 1974; Perse, 1990b; Rubin & Perse, 1987). Research, for example, has noted that different viewing motives predict different effects of soap opera and local news viewing (Perse, 1990a, 1990b; Rubin & Perse, 1987). The present study builds on this research to explore how people's reasons for using sexually explicit media content are related to holding hostile beliefs about women and to accepting rape myths.
Research Question 3: How are reasons for using erotica related to gender role stereotyping, sexual conservatism, and acceptance of rape myths?
The second goal of this study is to explore a feminist social responsibility model of exposure to erotica. Research conducted under this model frequently centers on attitudes or beliefs about sexual aggression against women (e.g., Malamuth & Check, 1985; Zillmann & Bryant, 1982). This study focuses on the acceptance of rape myths, because rape myths are self-serving justifications for sexual violence (Burt, 1980; Zillmann & Weaver, 1989). Rape myths include beliefs that women are to be blamed for acts of sexual violence and even come to enjoy rape.
To explore this feminist-social responsibility model, this study integrates uses and "ratifications' emphasis on reasons for using media content and Malamuth and Briere's (1986) model of indirect effects.
Developing the Questionnaire
The first step in this research was to identify a wide range of different reasons that college students report for watching or reading sexually explicit material. To do this, first, students (mainly communication nonmajors) enrolled in an introductory mass communication class in summer 1990 were asked to interview two friends and report their reasons for using sexually explicit material. We defined erotica as "material that shows or describes sexual activities." Forty-five respondents (14 females and 31 males) provided reasons for consuming sexually explicit materials.
To increase the range of reasons, in fall 1990, students enrolled in a large lecture introductory psychology class volunteered to complete a short survey that asked them to write their own reasons for using erotica. To encourage compliance and honesty, the surveys were distributed in envelopes and students were asked to return completed surveys in the sealed envelopes. Surveys were distributed after a short introductory explanation and collected during the next three class meetings.[4] Fifty of the 167 students (31 males and 19 females) used erotica and provided reasons. In all, 198 reasons were given for consuming sexually explicit materials. To reduce redundancy among the reasons, the author and three trained research assistants sorted the reasons into 19 categories. An independent, trained coder resorted the reasons with 88.3% agreement.[5] We then reduced the set to 32 unique statements that reflected the different categories of reasons for using erotic materials. Those statements were used in the survey instrument.
The students in both pretests were also asked "when you think of erotica (or material that shows or describes sexual activities or sexually explicit or stimulating materials), which of the following do you think of?" and were asked to mark on a list of 12 sexually explicit materials those materials that applied. X-rated videocassettes received the most mentions (n = 164), followed by X-rated movies (162), magazines such as Penthouse, Playboy, Playgirl, Hustler (146), "stag" movies ("skin flicks") (118), "hard-core" magazines (112), sex scenes in it-rated movies ( 112), "hard-core" books (81), phone sex (900 numbers) (67), sex scenes in popular novels (56), sexually explicit recorded music (50), sex scenes on network television (46), and sexually explicit computer software (28). Respondents also were asked to write in any other materials that might have been omitted from the list. There were 21 mentions of "other." Only a few of these involved mass communication: television commercials, advertisements for sex aids, lingerie catalogues, and posters.
Survey
Procedure and sample. Questionnaires were completed by 569 college students enrolled in three communication classes in a midsized eastern university in spring 1991.[6] To protect students" confidentiality and to encourage honesty and completion, all questionnaires were distributed in envelopes. Students were asked to return their completed questionnaires in the sealed envelopes. Most of the students were drawn from a large lecture class that fulfilled college liberal arts requirements and attracted mainly nonmajors. The sample was 33.6% male (coded 0; female coded 1) and ranged in age from 18 to 23 (M = 19.77, SD = 1.18). Eleven respondents whose age indicated that they were not traditional college students were eliminated from the sample. Most students were sophomores (33.9%) followed by juniors (28.6%), first-year students (22.0%), and seniors (14.8%).
Exposure to erotica. Respondents marked how often they watched or read (3 = often, 2 = sometimes, 1 = rarely, 0 = never) eight types of sexually explicit materials from a list that included Penthouse, Playboy, Playgirl, Hustler, other sexually explicit magazines, X-rated movies, X-rated videos, and erotic books and novels. These specific materials were chosen because they were the materials that were most commonly viewed as sexually explicit in the earlier pretest. Of the sample, 58.0% (n = 330) used some type of erotic media content. Only these 330 respondents were used to answer the study's research questions and test the study's hypothesis.
X-rated videos were the most widely watched erotica with 61.0% of the users reporting some use, followed by Playboy, used by 53.0%, Penthouse (47.3%), X-rated books (46.7%), X-rated movies (40.3%), other sex magazines (36.1%), Hustler (26.4%), and Playgirl (14.8%). Males and females differed significantly (p < .001) on use of all eight types of sexually explicit materials. Males reported using Penthouse, Playboy, Hustler, other sex magazines, X-rated movies and videos more; females reported greater use of Playgirl and erotic books and novels.
Consumers differed somewhat from nonconsumers of erotica. Although the sample comprised 33.6% males, they made up 50.0% of the consumer subsample (Chi[sup2] [N = 547] = 91.52, p < .001, Eta[sup2] = .16). Consumers (M = 20.23, SD = 3.01) were also older than nonconsumers (M = 19.63, SD = 1.81), t(544) = 2.67, p < .01, Eta[sup2] = .01.
Self-reported uses of the eight types of sexually explicit materials were summed to create an index of exposure to erotica. Exposure ranged from 1-21 (M = 4.35, SD = 3.67, Cronbach's a = .85). Exposure to erotica was, for the most part, low. Most respondents (22.7%) reported rare use of only one type of sexually explicit content and 74.8% of the respondents had scores of 5 or less. As expected, males reported more overall exposure to sexually explicit materials (M = 6.02, SD = 4.05) than females (M = 2.60, SD = 2.19), t(321) = 9.40,p < .001, Eta[sup2] = .22.
Reasons for using erotica. Respondents who used sexually explicit material marked how close their reasons for watching or reading erotica matched (1 = not at all, 5 = exactly) 32 reasons drawn from the pretests. The statements, means, and standard deviations are presented in Table 1. Hostile beliefs about women. Respondents marked their agreement (5 = strongly agree, 1 = strongly disagree) with several items about women, sexual practices, and beliefs about rape. All scores were recoded so that higher scores indicate more negative beliefs toward women. Gender-role stereotyping (GRS). GRS was measured with seven items from Burt (1980). The items reflect believing in a traditional role for women. Two items were removed from analysis because they lowered reliability. Scores for the averaged five-item GRS scale ranged from 1.00-5.00 (M = 2.37, SD = 0.64, Cronbach's a = .62).[7] Sexual conservatism (SC). SC was represented by eight items also from Burt (1980). Sexual conservatism refers to traditional and restricted beliefs about sexual behaviors. Three items that reduced reliability were eliminated. Averaged scores for the five-item SC scale ranged from 1.00-4.80 (M = 2.99, SD = 0.55, Cronbach's a = .57).[8]
Males and females differed significantly in the negativity of their beliefs about women. Males reported more stereotyped gender-role beliefs (M = 2.63, SD = 0.68) than females (M = 2.24, SD = 0.58), t(537) = 6.91, p < .001, Eta[sup2] = .08. Also, males' SC scores (M = 3.11, SD = 0.55) were higher than females' (M = 2.93, SD = 0.53), t(533) = 3.84, p < .001, Eta[sup2] = .03.
Acceptance of rape myths. Twelve items from the Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA) scale (Burt, 1980) were used to assess stereotypes, inaccurate beliefs, and callousness toward victims of rape.[9] Averaged RMA scores ranged from 1.00-3.92 (M = 1.74, SD = 0.53, Cronbach a = .85). Males scored higher on RMA (M = 1.97, SD = 0.57) than females (M = 1.61, SD = 0.46), t(527) = 8.14, p < .001, Eta[sup2] = .11.
Statistical Analysis
Following scale construction, there were three stages to data analysis. First, factor analysis with varimax rotation was used to answer the first research question and locate the underlying structure of the reasons for using sexually explicit materials. The criteria for factor retention were an eigenvalue greater than 1.0 and at least two primary loadings greater than .45. Factor scores derived by the regression method were used in subsequent analyses.
Next, LISREL (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1986) was used to answer the second research question that concerned the impact of beliefs about women and reasons for using erotica on exposure to sexually explicit materials. LISREL was used because it assesses the significance of paths between variables and allows a measure of a variable's direct and indirect influence on another variable (Sober, 1988). Effects, within the context of this analysis, describe significant directional relationships within a model, not the effects of a stimulus as in controlled experimental methodology.
A second LISREL analysis was used to answer the third research question that concerned the relationships between reasons for using erotica, exposure to sexually explicit materials, and hostile beliefs about women. This analysis also tested the hypothesis of the study built on an indirect model of the effects of exposure to erotica on acceptance of rape myths (Malamuth & Briere, 1986). In both LISREL analyses, gender and age were included to control for their effects on the variables of the study. Also, because of the focus on consumers of erotica all the analyses are based only on respondents who reported they used sexually explicit materials.
Reasons for Using Erotica
The first research question of the study concerned the identification of college students' motives for using sexually explicit material. Factor analysis with varimax rotation identified four factors with eigenvalues greater than 1.0 that accounted for 53.0% of the variance. The factor solution is summarized in Table 2.
Factor 1, Sexual Enhancement (eigenvalue = 11.12), was made up of nine items that marked using erotica for mood enhancement, information, and foreplay The second factor, Diversion (eigenvalue = 1.81), was composed of five items that reflected using erotica for escape, relaxation, entertainment, and out of boredom. Factor 3, Sexual Release (eigenvalue = 1.40), included six items reflecting a more solitary use of erotica for sexual fantasy and release. Factor 4, Substitution (eigenvalue = 1.05), was made up of three items that marked using erotica as a replacement for a sexual partner.
A fifth factor (eigenvalue = 0.74) included two items that reflected interest in the physical attributes of beautiful women. This factor was not included in further analyses because it added only 2.5% to the variance explained by the factor solution.
Males and females differed on two of the four motives for consuming Sexually Explicit material. Males were more likely to report using erotica for Sexual Release (M = 0.16, SD = 0.94) than females (M = -0.15, SD = 0.70), t(321) = 3.35, p < .01, eta[sup2] = .03 Males also scored higher on Substitution (M = 0.10, SD = 0.92) than females (M = -0.11, SD = 0.76), t(321) = 16.39,p < .05, eta[sup2] = .0l. Males and females did not differ on the Diversion or Sexual Enhancement motives.
Exposure to Erotica
The second research question explored the connection between reasons for using erotica and exposure to sexually explicit materials. The LISREL analysis revealed that demographics (gender and age), hostile beliefs about women (GRS, SC, and RMA), and reasons for using sexually explicit materials accounted for 49.1% of the variance in exposure to erotica. The model is represented in Figure 1 and the analysis is summarized in Table 3.
All the motives were significantly and positively related to exposure to erotica: Sexual Enhancement (beta51 = 1.l99), Diversion (beta52 = .961), Sexual Release (beta53 = .824), and Substitution (beta54 = .445). Of the hostile beliefs about women, only RMA was significantly related to exposure to erotica (gamma55 = .816). Gender (male, gamma51 = -2.779) was also linked to exposure.[10]
There were several other significant links between demographics, hostile beliefs about women and reasons for using erotica. Gender was related to Sexual Enhancement (female, gamma11 = .311) and to Sexual Release (male, gamma31 = -.336). Age was linked to Sexual Enhancement (gamma12 = .127), and RMA was related to Substitution (gamma45 = .257). Age (.193) and GRS (.547) also had significant indirect effects on exposure through their connections to reasons for using erotica.
Hostile Beliefs About Women
The second goal of this study was to explore the feminist social responsibility model that holds that exposure to sexually explicit materials is linked to adversarial views about women. The third research question examined the relationships between reasons for using erotica, exposure to sexually explicit materials, and GRS and SC. [11] Once again, LISREL was used to examine those relationships and demographics (gender and age) were also included in the analysis. The model is presented in Figure 2 and the analysis is summarized in Table 4.
Demographics, reasons for using erotica, and exposure to sexually explicit materials accounted for 18.1% of the variance in GRS. Sexual Enhancement (beta61 = .134) and gender (male, gamma61 = -.371) were the only significant predictors. There were no significant indirect effects on GRS.[12]
Demographics, reasons for using sexually explicit materials, and exposure to erotica explained 7.8% of the variance in SC. Once again, only Sexual Enhancement (beta71 = .102) and gender (male, gamma71 = -.234) were linked to SC. There were no significant indirect effects on SC.[13]
Predicting Acceptance of Rape Myths
The last stage of the analysis was another test of the feminist social responsibility model of exposure to sexually explicit materials. The study's hypothesis was based on the indirect model of effects (Malamuth & Briere, 1986) and predicted acceptance of rape myths would be explained by demographics, reasons for using erotica, exposure to sexually explicit materials, and hostile beliefs about women.[14] The analysis accounted for 37.8% of the variance in RMA and supported the hypothesis. The model and analysis are summarized in Figure 2 and Table 4.
Sexual release (beta83 = -.067) and gender (male, gamma81 = -.191) were negatively linked to RMA. Substitution (beta84 = .064), exposure to sexually explicit materials (beta85 = .023), GRS (beta86 = .273), and SC (beta87 = .145) were positively related to RMA. Gender (male, -.220), Sexual Enhancement (.087), and Diversion (.051) had significant indirect effects on RMA through their links to exposure and hostile beliefs about women. Only age had no direct or indirect relationship to RMA.[15]
Discussion
Despite the limitations of self-report and social desirability, levels of exposure to sexually explicit materials in this nonprobability sample are fairly consistent with previous research. Garcia (1986), for example, reported that 82.5% of his sample of 115 male college students read Playboy or Penthouse at least "infrequently" during the last year. Of the sample, 77.0% reported to read sexual books, and 63.9% watched at least one sexual film. Demare et al. (1988) found that 80.8% of their sample of 220 undergraduate males reported some use nonviolent pornography, and Padgett et al. (1989) noted that college males reported 5.9 hours of pornography exposure per month and female students reported 2.6 hours of exposure. In his survey of adults' use of X-rated content, Gunther (1992) found that 62% of his sample of adults reported occasional exposure to X-rated media content and 11% reported seeing it somewhat often or very often. Thompson, Chaffee, and Oshagan (1990) estimated that 50% of their sample had seen an X-rated movie in a theater and 20% of the men had read Playboy. By contrast, Bryant's 1985 probability sample found that 40% of his sample of 600 used some sort of sexually explicit material (Weaver, 1991b summarizes Bryant's research). The college student audience may be a group more likely to be exposed to that content. Future research should continue to explore use of sexually explicit materials for all age groups.
Similar to past research, this study noted that women use different sorts of erotica than men. Although almost half of the consumer subsample was female, women were less exposed to erotica. And, similar to Lawrence and Herold (1988), women were more likely to read erotic books and novels than other forms.
Overall, there was support for a liberal model of the effects of sexually explicit material. The results of this study identified four main motives for using erotica: Sexual Enhancement, Diversion, Sexual Release, and Substitution. Although these motives were not strongly endorsed, they have some validity because they are similar to the reasons for using erotica drawn from interviews (Nawy, 1973; Winick, 1971) and from the literature (Kelley, Dawson, & Musialowski, 1989). Three of these motives are consistent with the thoughts of writers who hold that erotica use is functional.
The most strongly endorsed reason for using erotica was Diversion. Students read or watched sexually explicit materials for several diversionary reasons: out of boredom, to escape, for entertainment, and to relax. This motive is somewhat similar to other diversionary motives identified in television research (e.g., Rubin, 1984). This motive may represent a "distraction" use of erotica (Kelley et al., 1989) that is more ritualistic and focuses more on consumption than on content. Consistent with evidence that ritualistic motives are a more passive use of media content and less likely to be associated with media effects (Rubin & Perse, 1987), Diversion is not directly related to adversarial beliefs about women or to acceptance of rape myths. Diversion, though, was linked indirectly to acceptance of rape myths through its strong positive relationship to exposure.
Sexual Enhancement combines several of the hypothesized beneficial reasons for using erotica: learning, arousal, and sexual priming. In general, this motive is more oriented toward a use of erotica for shared sexual activity--to learn techniques and gain ideas for sex play and to shed inhibitions and get in the mood for sex. The significant link between gender (female) and this motive identified in the LISREL analysis might be due to two factors. First, because society still places greater sexual restrictions on women, females may have less opportunity to acquire information about sex. Second, because women are more likely to connect sex and romance than men (Tavris & Wade, 1984), they might be more likely to use erotica to enhance pleasure for themselves and their partners.
Sexual Release is a more solitary orientation to erotica. It focuses on a use of sexual materials for fantasy and masturbation. This motive is unrelated to Substitution, or using erotica as a replacement for a sex partner. Although this motive is not widely endorsed, it may reflect an acceptance of solitary sexual acts over the risks of sexually transmitted diseases inherent in casual sex.
Sexual Release was a significant, negative predictor of rape myth acceptance, adding support for the liberal model. Using erotica for solitary fantasy and sexual release was related to lower levels of rape myth acceptance. If this motive reflects one "safe" approach to sex, this use of sexually explicit media content may not pose a risk for women or society. Future research should explore the characteristics of people who endorse this motive and the kinds of erotica they select. There was also considerable support for the feminist social responsibility model. Two of the "functional" uses of sexually explicit materials were linked to negative beliefs about women. Sexual Enhancement was directly related to holding adversarial views about women. Males who use erotica for sexual stimulation and foreplay with their partners are more likely to report more traditional and conservative beliefs about women and sex. Because much erotica depicts a sexist view of women (Brownmiller, 1975; Smith, 1976), use of these materials to stimulate one's female partner might cause, reinforce, or grow out of views that dehumanize women and see them as objects that need to be "turned on."
Although advocates of the liberal model often argue that sexual enhancement is a beneficial use of sexually oriented content, Sexual Enhancement had a significant indirect influence on RMA through its connection to gender-role stereotypes, sexual conservatism, and exposure, all significant predictors of rape myth acceptance.
The use of erotica for substitution was significantly and positively linked to rape myth acceptance. Although this motive was not strongly endorsed by the students in this study, using erotica as a replacement for a sexual partner was associated with greater acceptance of rape myths. This preliminary finding might be related to Marshall's (1989) work in exploring the use of pornography by sex offenders. Because rapists and child molesters are more likely to grow up in dysfunctional and abusive homes, they do not acquire the self-esteem or social skills to engage in appropriate sexual relationships. Marshall hypothesizes that pornography has a greater impact on these men because it is a primary source of information about sex. Indeed, rape myth acceptance was positively linked to higher levels of Substitution. Future research should explore the connections between social and dating skills and use of erotica by more typical adult males.
The analyses also reveal that exposure to sexually explicit material was directly and positively linked to rape myth acceptance, even when the variance attributable to other variables is accounted for. Only one of the four motives for using erotica, Sexual Release, mitigated the effect of exposure. Sexual Enhancement and Diversion were both indirectly related to acceptance of rape myths through their strong impact on exposure. Future research should explore the differential links between different reasons for using sexually explicit materials.
Studies should also continue to explore ways to reduce negative effects of sexual content without limiting exposure (e.g., Linz, Arluk, & Donnerstein, 1990). Research should continue to consider how education about rape and sexual violence, awareness of negative effects, and perceived realism of sexual content can modify negative reactions to erotica.
There are limitations to the results of this study. Although college students have been the focus of most erotica research, the results should be generalized with caution. Levels of erotica use and the reasons reported for use are consistent with earlier writings, but social desirability and enthusiasm may lead to inaccurate estimates (Weaver, l991b).
Another limitation is that some measures used in this study had only modest internal consistency. The lower explained variance for gender-role stereotypes and sexual conservatism might be due, in part, to that lower reliability. Moreover, the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (Burt, 1980) is not conceptually distinct, because it includes statements about inaccurate beliefs, stereotyped beliefs, and prejudices about women. Future survey research should continue to develop more reliable and conceptually consistent measures of hostile beliefs and attitudes toward women.
This study also considered use of sexually explicit material, especially "adult" media content. it-rated films, "soft-porn," and slasher films were excluded from consideration. Because there is sexual content in these more readily available materials, future research might explore the reasons for using this media content. The methods of this study also do not allow the separation of erotica into nonviolent or violent sexual content.[16] Future research might consider whether different motives are associated with exposure to different nonviolent and violent erotica (Weaver, 1991a).
Last, the results of this correlational study do not support conclusions about the causal relationships among motives, exposure, beliefs about women, and rape myth acceptance. Studies using other methodologies, such as experimentation and longitudinal analysis, might build on the present study to explore the causal links between these variables and effects of sexually explicit material.
In summary, the results of this study offer some support for both liberal and feminist social responsibility models of the effects of erotica. The most strongly endorsed reasons for using sexually explicit materials are those noted by advocates of the liberal model. Clearly, there are some functional and beneficial uses of this content. However, three of the four motives were linked directly or indirectly to hostile beliefs about women, and exposure to erotica was a significant predictor of acceptance of rape myths. The negative link between sexual release and rape myth acceptance, though, points out that it is important to consider different reasons for using erotica. This supports a prime assumption of uses and gratifications: Why people use the mass media is important to understanding the outcomes of that use.
[1.] This research was supported by a grant from the College of Arts and Science, University of Delaware. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Speech Communication Association convention, Chicago, November, 1992.
[2.] I have used the terms "erotica" or "sexually explicit materials" throughout this article to avoid the negative connotations associated with the term "pornography."
[3.] Not all feminists believe that sexually explicit materials are harmful. Some feminist writers believe that sexual materials can help women feel less shame about their sexual feelings (see Hawkins & Zimring, 1988, pp. 166-168). Some liberal feminists argue that the concern with pornography distracts policymakers from more important feminist issues (e.g., Heins, 1993, pp. 156-164)
[4.] Thanks to Helene Intraub for arranging data collection in initial stages of the research; to Blake Neal for help in early stages of the study; and to Blake Neal, Julie Christopholus, and Leslie Saylor for sorting pretest responses.
[5.] I appreciate Nancy Signorielli's help with this resorting.
[6.] Thanks to Juliet Dee and Charlie Pavitt for arranging data collection and to Blake Neal, Lisa Holderman, and Elaine Healy for helping collect data.
[7.] The five GRS items were: A man should fight when the woman he's with is insulted by another man; A woman should be a virgin when she marries; There is something wrong with a woman who doesn't want to marry and raise a family; It is acceptable for a woman to have a career, but marriage and family should come first; It looks worse for a woman to be drunk than for a man to be drunk.
[8.] The five SC items were: A woman who initiates a sexual encounter will probably have sex with anybody; A woman shouldn't give in sexually to a man too easily or he'll think she's loose; Men have a biologically stronger sex drive than women; People should not have oral sex; I would have no respect for a woman who engages in sexual relationships without any emotional involvement.
[9.] The 12 RMA items were: A woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man on their first date implies that she is willing to have sex; Any female can get raped; One reason that women falsely report a rape is that they frequently have a need to call attention to themselves; Any healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she really wants to; When women go around braless or wearing short skirts and tight tops, they are just asking for trouble; In the majority of rapes, the victim is promiscuous or has a bad reputation; If a girl engages in necking or petting and she lets things get out of hand, it is her own fault if her partner forces sex on her; Women who get raped while hitchhiking get what they deserve; A woman who is stuck-up and thinks she is too good to talk to guys on the street deserve to be taught a lesson; Many women have an unconscious wish to be raped, and may then unconsciously set up a situation in which they are likely to be attacked; If a woman gets drunk at a party and has intercourse with a man she's just met there, she should be considered "fair game" to other males at the party who want to have sex with her too, whether she wants to or not; Many women who report a rape are lying because they are angry and want to get back at the man they accuse.
[10.] Although the index of exposure to erotic materials was internally consistent and reflects the inter-correlations among exposure to different materials, canonical correlation was used to test the connection between the set of four motives for using erotica and exposure to the eight different sexually explicit materials. There was a single substantial canonical root (R[sub c] = .62) accounting for 38.5% of the variance between the two sets. The canonical loadings revealed that all four motives were linked to exposure to all eight of the erotic materials. A second, less substantial root (R[sub c] = .28) that accounted for an additional 8.1% of the variance indicated that using erotica for Sexual Release was related to greater exposure to Penthouse and Playboy but less exposure to Playgirl, Hustler, and to X-rated movies. The details of this analysis are available from the author.
[11.] Although subjects who did not report using sexually explicit materials were not included in the larger analyses because they would have no reasons to report, t tests were conducted to compare users and nonusers on these measures. Users (M = 3.02) and nonusers (M = 2.92) did not differ significantly on SC; t(549) = 1.95, p = .052. Nor did users (M = 2.40) differ from nonusers (M = 2.31) on GRS: t(551) = 1.60, p = .11.
[12.] Some scholars suggest that reasons for using media content might have a greater impact on media effects through interactions with exposure to media content rather than through simple main effects (e.g., McLeod & Becker, 1974). To test this line of reasoning, interactions between the four erotica motives and exposure were created and used in a parallel LISREL analysis. Demographics and the interaction terms accounted for 19.0% of the variance in GRS. Gender (males, gamma = -.375) and the interaction between diversion and exposure (,Beta = .018) were significantly linked to GRS.
[13.] Once again, a similar LISREL analysis was used to test the relationship between motive-exposure interaction terms and SC. The analysis accounted for 6.7% of the variance. Gender (mare, gamma = -.239) and the interaction between sexual enhancement and exposure Beta = .014) were linked to SC.
[14.] Once again, t tests were used to compare users and nonusers of sexually explicit materials on their endorsement of rape myths. Users of erotica scored significantly higher on RMA (M = 1.79) than nonusers (M = 1.63), t(535) = 3.40, p < .001, eta[sub2] = .02. [15.] As before, an analysis conducted using motive-interaction terms accounted for 37.2% of the variance in RMA. Gender (male, Gamma= -.254), the interaction between substitution end exposure (Beta = .009), GRS (Beta = .266), and SC (Beta = .151) were significantly related to RMA. Gender (male, Gamma = -.157) had an indirect effect on RMA through its relationship to the interaction terms and hostile belifs about women. The interaction between sexual enhancement and exposure had a very slight (.005) indirect effect on RMA.
[16.] One of the strongest controversies in erotica/pornography research concerns the relative effects of sexual content and sexually violent content. Some researchers argue that only sexually violent content has harmful effects whereas others hold that sexually explicit materials that are not violent can have detrimental effects (see Weaver, 1991a for a summary of the arguments). Although this study's methods did not allow a measurement of the violent content in materials students typically selected, additional data and analyses were conducted to allow some comparisons.
As part of the questionnaire, respondents also indicated their exposure to slasher movies and videos. The results of analyses using these measures of exposure indicate that students perceived "erotica" as not including the more violent content typically found in "slasher"-type films.
First, the inclusion of those two measures of exposure reduced the reliability of the exposure index from .85 to . 74. Second, much less variance in exposure to slasher videos and movies was explained by age, gender, and motives. For exposure to slasher movies, 10.7% of the variance was explained (p < .001). Age, gender (males), and sexual release were significant negative predictors. Only diversion was a positive predictor. The variables of the investigation explained only 9.1% of the variance in exposure to slasher videos (p < .001). Gender (males) and sexual release were significant negative contributors, whereas diversion and sexual enhancement were positive predictors of exposure.
Table 1
Reasons for Vsing Erofica (N = 330)
I watch or read erotica M Males Females
1. Because it relaxes me 1.73 1.88 1.58[**]
(0.90) (0.95) (0.83)
2. To leam new techniques 1.94 1.99 1.89
(1.01) (1.04) (0.99)
3. Because it's funny 2.82 2.93 2.69
(1.14) (1.11) (1.15)
4. Because it tums me on 2.46 2.78 2.15[***]
(1.13) (1.08) (1.10)
5. Because it makes sex more fun 2.16 2.24 2.09
(1.13) 1.13 (1.13)
6. For masturbation 1.55 1.79 1.32[***]
(0.99) (1.11) (0.81)
7. To help me fantasize 2.08 2.38 1.81[***]
(1.10) (1.14) (0.99)
8. To get ideas for sex play
with my partner 2.27 2.39 2.17
(1.18) 1.20 (1.15)
9. Because it's entertaining 2.72 2.92 2.63[**]
(1.12) (1.04) (1.15)
[*] 10. Because it makes sex more
interesting 2.09 2.16 2.05
(1.11) (1.12) (1.12)
11. Because I don't have a
sexual partner 1.30 1.42 1.19[**]
(0.74) (0.83) (0.62)
12. To leam about sex 1.71 1.71 1.71
(0.98) 0.95 (1.02)
13. To take my mind off
school or work 2.01 2.07 1.94
(1.12) (1.11) (1.12)
[*] 14. Because it's sexually
exciting 2.46 2.77 2.17[***]
(1.20) (1.17) (1.15)
15. Because of the great
looking bodies 2.31 3.06 1.53[***]
(1.33) (1.28) (0.86)
16. To tum on my sexual partner 1.54 1.53 1.56
(0.90) 0.89 (0.92)
17. Because I'm lonely 1.19 1.30 1.08[***]
(0.57) (0.73) (0.30)
[*] 18. To leam new sexual
positions 1.92 1.99 1.86
(1.06) (1.08) (1.06)
19. Because I'm bored 1.99 2.19 1.75[***]
(1.02) (1.04) (0.92)
20. Because it adds variety
to my sex life 1.87 1.89 1.87
(1.09) (1.10) (1.09)
21. Because I'm curious
about it 2.42 2.39 2.47
(1.03) (0.99) (1.05)
22. Because it helps me shed
my inhibitions 1.69 1.73 1.66
(0.85) (0.84) (0.87)
23. To imagine myself part
of the action 1.74 2.02 1.47[***]
(0.99) (1.13) (0.74)
24. Because it's exciting 2.34 2.60 2.10[***]
(1.14) (1.14) (1.08)
25. To fulfill sexual fantasies 1.71 1.95 1.47[***]
(0.95) (1.02) (0.81)
26. Because of the beautiful
women 2.05 3.00 1.07[***]
(1.37) (1.32) (0.34)
27. To stimulate my imagination 2.21 2.48 1.92[***]
(1.14) (1.15) (1.04)
28. As a safe outlet for sex 1.51 1.70 1.33[***]
(0.89) (1.03) (0.69)
29. It gets me in the mood
to make love 1.98 2.08 1.91
(1.07) (1.13) (1.01)
30. To get sexual experience 1.49 1.55 1.45
(0.82) (0.85) (0.79)
31. Because it's a break
from reality 2.12 2.25 2.00
(1.14) (1.17) (1.11)
32. To release my sexual
frustrations 1.54 1.73 1.35[***]
(0.91) (0.98) (0.79)
Note. Standard deviations are reported in parentheses.
[**]p < .01; [***]p <.001; t tests indicated that males end females differed significantly on these items.
[*] These items were excluded from further analyses because of high intercorrelations with several other items.
Table 2
Reasons for Using Erotica: Varimax Factor Solution N = 330
Sexual
Enhancement Diversion
I watch or read erotica
To get ideas for sex play with my partner .81 .12
Because it adds variety to my sex life .75 .32
Because it makes sex more fun .75 .14
To learn new techniques .71 .16
To turn on my sexual partner .58 .06
It gets me in the mood to make love .57 .17
Because it turns me on .56 .06
Because it helps me shed my inhibitions .49 .28
Because it's exciting .46 .39
To take my mind off school or work .28 .72
Because it's a break from reality .15 .72
Because I'm bored .01 .60
Because it's entertaining .34 .59
Because it relaxes me .39 .46
To release my sexual frustrations .16 .26
As a safe outlet for sex .24 .22
For masturbation .21 -.02
To help me fantasize .48 .18
To fulfill sexual fantasies .43 .29
To imagine myself part of the action .40 .23
Because I don't have a sexual partner .06 .00
To learn about sex .47 .20
Because I'm lonely .08 .13
Eigenvalue 11.12 1.81
Variance explained 38.3% 6.2%
Mean 2.03 2.12
Standard deviation 0.80 0.82
Cronbach's alpha .90 .83
Sexual
Release Substitution
I watch or read erotica
To get ideas for sex play with my partner .14 .09
Because it adds variety to my sex life .11 .11
Because it makes sex more fun .12 .03
To learn new techniques .01 .31
To turn on my sexual partner .21 .07
It gets me in the mood to make love .43 -.08
Because it turns me on .36 .13
Because it helps me shed my inhibitions .30 .31
Because it's exciting .41 .17
To take my mind off school or work .18 .07
Because it's a break from reality .30 -.02
Because I'm bored .13 .17
Because it's entertaining .06 .03
Because it relaxes me .25 .17
To release my sexual frustrations .56 .40
As a safe outlet for sex .54 .31
For masturbation .49 .38
To help me fantasize .48 .21
To fulfill sexual fantasies .48 .31
To imagine myself part of the action .46 .21
Because I don't have a sexual partner .14 .63
To learn about sex .06 .56
Because I'm lonely .19 .48
Eigenvalue 1.40 1.05
Variance explained 4.8% 3.6%
Mean 1.69 1.40
Standard deviation 0.75 0.58
Cronbach's alpha .87 .60
Note: N = 330
Table 3 A liberal Model of Exposure to Erotica Parameter Estimate Standard error t [Gamma]11 .311 .114 2.73[*] [Gamma]12 .127 .043 2.99[*] [Gamma]13 .217 .098 2.22[*] [Gamma]14 .134 .104 1.29 [Gamma]15 .203 .117 1.74 [Gamma]21 -.105 .113 0.93 [Gamma]22 .045 .042 1.07 [Gamma]23 .190 .097 1.96 [Gamma]24 -.029 .103 0.28 [Gamma]25 .021 .116 0.18 [Gamma]31 -.336 .107 3.14[*] [Gamma]32 .029 .040 0.71 [Gamma]33 .082 .092 0.89 [Gamma]34 -.061 .098 0.62 [Gamma]35 -.128 .110 1.17 [Gamma]41 -.090 .107 0.84 [Gamma]42 -.061 .040 1.53 [Gamma]43 .083 .092 0.91 [Gamma]44 -.073 .097 0.76 [Gamma]45 .257 .302 2.35[*] [Gamma]51 -2.779 .341 8.15[*] [Gamma]52 -.088 .127 0.68 [Gamma]53 .023 .288 0.08 [Gamma]54 -.114 .302 0.38 [Gamma]55 .816 .346 2.36[*] [Gamma]51 1.199 .171 7.01[*] [Gamma]52 .961 .172 5.57[*] [Gamma]53 .824 .184 4.48[*] [Gamma]54 .445 .184 2.42[*] Dependent variable Explained variance Sexual enhancement .096 Diversion .031 Sexual release .040 Substitution .058 Exposure .491
Note. [*]p < .05.
Table 4 A Feminist Social Responsibility Model of Exposure to Erotica Parameter Estimate Standard error t [Gamma]11 .104 .107 0.97 [Gamma]12 .112 .044 2.55[*] [Gamma]21 -.187 .104 1.80 [Gamma]22 .038 .042 0.90 [Gamma]31 -.304 .098 3.11[*] [Gamma]32 .031 .040 0.78 [Gamma]41 -.213 .099 2.16[*] [Gamma]42 -.074 .040 1.83 [Gamma]51 -3.095 .313 9.90[*] [Gamma]52 -.121 .126 0.96 [Gamma]61 -.371 .084 4.44[*] [Gamma]62 -.046 .029 1.58 [Gamma]71 -.234 .076 3.06[*] [Gamma]72 -.016 .027 0.58 [Gamma]81 -.191 .062 3.06[*] [Gamma]82 -.025 .021 1.19 [Beta]51 1.278 .166 7.69[*] [Beta]52 .991 .172 5.77[*] [Beta]53 .780 .184 4.24[*] [Beta]54 .525 .182 2.89[*] [Beta]61 .134 .042 3.17[*] [Beta]62 .076 .042 1.80 [Beta]63 -.027 .044 0.61 [Beta]64 .066 .043 1.53 [Beta]65 .014 .014 1.00 [Beta]71 .102 .038 2.65[*] [Beta]72 .019 .038 0.51 [Beta]73 -.040 .040 0.99 [Beta]74 .011 .039 0.28 [Beta]75 .005 .012 0.40 [Beta]81 .020 .031 0.66 [Beta]82 -.012 .030 0.41 [Beta]83 -.067 .032 2.12[*] [Beta]84 .064 .031 2.08[*] [Beta]85 .023 .010 2.37[*] [Beta]86 .273 .046 5.99[*] [Beta]87 .145 .050 2.90[*] Dependent variable Explained variance Gender-role stereotyping (GRS) .181 Sexual conservatism (SC) .078 Rape myfll acceptance (RMA) .378
Note. [*]p < .05.
DIAGRAM: Figure 1: A liberal model of exposure to erotica.
DIAGRAM: Figure 2: A feminist social responsibility model of exposure to erotica.
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By ELIZABETH M. PERSE