Separating
the Men from the Beasts:
Foundations
of Human Society in Greek Philosophy
In book VIII of his Description of
Greece, Pausanias gives a curious and intriguing version of the foundations
of human social life in Arcadia.
The Arcadians say that Pelasgus
was the first inhabitant of this land.
It is natural to suppose that others accompanied Pelasgus, and that he
was not by himself; for otherwise he would have been a king without any
subjects to rule over...Pelasgus on becoming king invented huts that humans
should not shiver, or be soaked by rain, or oppressed by heat. Moreover, it was he who first thought of
coats of sheep-skins, such as poor folk still wear in Euboea and Phocis. He too
it was who checked the habit of eating green leaves, grasses, and roots always
inedible and sometimes poisonous. But he
introduced as food the nuts of trees, not those of all trees but only the
acorns of the edible oak.[i]
This story has
several puzzling features, and they are features which we find elsewhere in
Greek foundation-stories.[ii] First, it isn't entirely clear to Pausanias
at the story's outset whether there are primitive Arcadians present on the
scene when Pelasgus arrives or not. The
Arcadians' report, strictly construed, would have Pelasgus arrive alone in an
unhabited land (he is said to be "the first inhabitant", genoito
en te ge protos); but the fact that he is called "king" seems to
Pausanias' logical mind to entail the existence of subjects. As the story proceeds, the subjects seem to
be supplied not as accompanying Pelasgus into the new terrain but as existing
prior to his arrival - and in a wretched state.
Rain-drenched, shivering, or made
miserable by heat; naked or otherwise inadequately clad; feeding on an
indigestible or poisonous diet, the primitive Arcadians are in a state which
displays noteworthy contrasts with that of organized human society. To live in shelters of some kind, rather than
out in the open, is a universal human trait; so also with the wearing of
clothing. The primitive Arcadians graze
like animals, but less wisely. In short,
their existence prior to the beneficent appearance of Pelasgus is in some
respects beast-like, but they do more poorly in that state than the beasts
themselves. What Pelasgus brings them is
tantamount to the establishment of distinctively human life.
All the more remarkable, then, is the
story that Pausanias tells next concerning Pelasgus' son Lycaon. The inventions of the son are said to have
been wiser or more clever (sophotera) than those of the father. Lycaon
founds a city, and there establishes a new cult and athletic games. However, he makes a dreadful religious
mistake. As Pausanias tells it,
...Lycaon brought a human baby
to the altar of Lycaean Zeus, and sacrificed it, pouring out its blood upon the
altar, and according to the legend immediately after the sacrifice he was
changed from a man to a wolf. I for my
part believe this story; it has been a legend among the Arcadians from of old,
and it has the additional merit of probability.
Lycaon raises
civilization to new heights with the establishment of the city, with the
companion establishment of a new designation for Zeus - in effect, a
cult-foundation - and with the initiation of the games, which Pausanias
believes to be more ancient than the Panathenaic games. Yet Lycaon also illustrates in his own person
the precariousness of the civilized state.
In shedding the baby's blood, he earns for himself a beastly status, a
feral identity. The transformation is
instantaneous (autika epi te thusia genesthai lykon), unlike the
civilizing labors which preceded the sacrifice.
Lycaon labored, as his father had labored before him, to construct the
conditions for human social life; and in an instant (so the story goes, and so
Pausanias finds plausible) all is for him undone. He becomes not just any beast but the
predator wolf, archetypal enemy of human flocks, and therefore a beast pitted
against the socially sustaining labors of husbandry and herding.[iii]
That Pausanias finds this story plausible
is not the only paradoxical element here.
Lycaon's mistaken sacrifice of a human baby may render him bestial, but
it is not itself the kind of act a beast would perform. Ritual sacrificing is distinctive to
humans. Furthermore, the primitive
Arcadians lived in a state which was sub-bestial. Their survival capabilities were far worse
than those of non-human animals, who typically have the sense to come in out of
the rain and to eat nourishing food. In
these aspects, in presenting paradoxes and in highlighting the precariousness
of civilized life, the Arcadians' foundation story is importantly
representative. In the remainder of this
paper I will explore several other foundation stories, locate similar
paradoxes, and attempt to shed some light on the views of human nature which
they embody.
Section 1: Prometheus
Related to the Arcadians' foundation-myth
in invoking a "great man" figure who benevolently provides the things
humans need for social life, and in painting a bleak picture of human existence
prior to this philanthropy, is the speech of Prometheus in Aeschylus' Prometheus
Bound. Here the recently-chained
Titan speaks to a sympathetic feminine audience, the daughters of Oceanos,
concerning his favors to humans (ll.436-506).
In their original state, human beings were
so incapable of effective activity as to resemble dream-shapes (...oneiraton
aligkioi morphaisi, 448-9). Even
their perceptual faculties, their capacities to see and hear, are ineffectual (...blepontes
eblepon maten, kluontes ouk ekouon; 447-8).
Like the Arcadians above, they are houseless. Neither knowing how to build "sun-facing
brickbuilt houses" (450-1) nor having any woodworking techniques (451),
they live drifted up into the sunless corners of caves like ants
(452-3). They have no knowledge of the
changes of seasons, and are thus destitute of agricultural skill as well.
Prometheus emphasizes the utter helplessness
of the humans in this state, and this helplessness is even more dire than that
of the alternately drenched and sunbaked Arcadians. For here, even simple sense-perception is
somehow unsuccessful in its tasks. It is
as if, lacking the external organization-principles of shelter, temporal
structure, and the social structures which these make possible, they lack also
the internal meaning-structures which make perception what it is. This is symbolized in their silting-up in
sunless corners, piled upon each other like swarming ants. But again, the ants are the parties who
suffer by this comparison. For, as
Aeschylus (or the true author of the Prometheus, if someone other than
Aeschylus) will have known, ants have social structure which is practically unparalleled
in the animal kingdom for its high articulation, its rigid directionality. When ants swarm and pile up, one can safely
bet there is a very good reason.
At any rate, the benefactions which
Prometheus brings to humans include, in the following order: astronomy,
calculation, literacy which facilitates memory, "mother of the
Muses", the yoking of beasts, ship-building, herbal medicine, prophecy and
augury, sacrifice to the gods, metallurgy, and in sum all the arts (pasai
technai, l.506).
The
yoking of the beasts is described with a vivid image; they are enslaved
to the yoke (zeuglaisi douleuonta, l.463), in order that their bodies
may substitute for those of humans in the most arduous labors (ll.463-5). These domesticated beasts have thus taken on
a formerly human role, a kind of surrogate humanity. Their slave-labor allows the bodies of the
humans to move more freely and in other domains. In sacrifice as well, and in augury, the
bodies of animals take on new jobs; they become bearers of significance for
human concerns. In life, their organs
and movements are inscribed with information and directives for human
society. In death, their bodies are
burnt and partially consumed in a ritual which both bears a message to the gods
and cements the connections among humans in society.[iv]
Thus, according to the Prometheus story,
humans move into organized society not towards one another and away from other
animals, but into specific new relationships to those animals. The establishment of organized human society
is at the same time a transformation of the non-human animal world. The disorganized proximity among humans prior
to Prometheus' intervention (human heaps in dark corners) is to some extent
broken up by the insertion of animal surrogates and animal messengers into the
social structure at critical junctures: for the hardest work, and for the most
important religious rituals. Aeschylus'
contribution to the topic of this paper is thus not so much a separation of men
from beasts, as it is an integration among men and beasts based on division of
labor. In the process of that
integration and re-assignment of meanings, humans themselves presumably take on
the definiteness of shape which they had been lacking. In re-defining the status of non-human
animals, the humans give themselves a definite outline as well. From darkness and dream-shape, they awaken
into human life; and the beasts are of critical assistance in this awakening.
Section 2: Plato's Protagoras
Plato's interest in foundation stories is
perhaps unparalleled in ancient Greek literature. The dialogues contain no less than six
separate accounts of how present human social order developed out of a
pre-existing state.[v] It would be beyond the present scope of this
paper to treat adequately of all these accounts, and their contexts (within
complex dialogues with specific and multiple purposes of their own) add
considerable interpretive difficulties in addition. But for present purposes, the
foundation-story which Plato has Protagoras tell, in the dialogue named after
him, is of irresistable interest.
It is not known whether the historical
Protagoras can be credited with all or even a portion of this story. A
reasonable consensus among scholars holds that it substantially represents
Protagoras' own teaching, perhaps representing a recasting of (part of) what
would have been contained in the lost "On the Original State of
Things" (referred to by Diogenes Laertius in IX.55).[vi] For my purposes here it must be assumed only
that the ideas about human social origins which the Platonic Protagoras
represents were a matter of some interest and debate in the late fifth and
early fourth centuries.
The account of social origins offered by
Protagoras here has an explicit moral: it is to show that social existence is
the conditio sine qua non of human survival, and that a necessary
condition for social existence is a very widely shared basic moral sense (which
can be refined and strengthened through teaching).
It begins with a mythic moment outside
human history, in which humans who have been created as physical beings, but
have somehow not yet begun to live their lives in the world, stand "naked,
shoeless, having no beds, having no weapons" (321c) before Prometheus and
Epimetheus. The latter has shown great dexterity
in equipping the non-human animals with horns, fur, prolific reproductive
habits, and whatever else seemed appropriate to allow each species the capacity
for survival. Epimetheus is the sponsor
of the beasts' viability, the robustness of which is stressed (321a-c is quite
detailed on animal survival capabilities).
For Epimetheus, humans are a disconcerting afterthought (eporei ho ti
chresaito, 321c2-3).
Prometheus by contrast looks directly at
the naked proto-humans and is filled with concern for their vulnerability. By means of a theft, he procures technical
skills and fire-making capability, with which he equips the humans before they
go forth to begin living. Thus, technical skills are the human equivalent of
horns and fangs, and they are a feature of the very earliest human
existence. By means of them, humans may
achieve parallel viability with that of the other animals.
Religion appears, as a consequence of
humans' "divine portion" (theias moiras, 322a); and language,
houses, shoes, beds, and earth-borne food (though it is not clear whether this
entails agriculture). But parallel
viability is not yet ensured. And human
life is not yet firmly established as social. Between the technical and the fully
political phases of the foundation-process, there intervenes a phase of
war. This war is first of all fought
between humans and beasts. Scattered
humans (sporaden, 322e) engage in hostilities with aggressive animals,
and these are often destructive of human life (apollunto oun hypo ton
therion, 322b). The humans are
capable of banding together in mutual protection alliances against these
threatening beasts, but the alliances are unstable due to humans' recurrent
injustices toward one another. Warring
also against one another then, the humans scatter again and perish (palin
skedannumenoi diephtheironto, 322c1).
It is important to note some implications
of the story so far. First, the
pre-political relationship between humans and beasts, and between humans and
humans, is adversarial. Familial
connectedness is absent from the scenario,[vii]
and the fragile sense of common cause which brings humans into associations for
mutual protection cannot contain our innate disposition toward mutual
nastiness. The animals, presented
throughout the story as better equipped for flourishing than we, coolly deploy
their superior abilities to the depradation of our species. To contrast this foundation-story with that
of Aeschylus' Prometheus, we find here that even technical skills and religious
institutions are not sufficient to separate the men from the beasts - for there
is too much of the beast in the man.
A special divine dispensation is required
to enable humans to desist from their intra-necine warfare; Zeus, seeing them
endangered, "sent Hermes bringing to humans a sense of honor and justice (aidos
and dike, 322c) so that there might be orders within the cities and
bonds holding them together in friendship". What is the significance of the fact
that human society as such is founded only as a result of a secondary divine
concern, a response to a crisis (threat of human extinction), and is only
logically secondary to the development of religion, clothing, housing, and so
forth?
Taylor's conjecture here makes good sense: we
are to understand Protagoras as claiming that political organizations, even of
the most rudimentary sort, are the result of a long and painful process of
development by "trial and error".[viii] In this process, humans develop the ability
to restrain themselves from harming one another; for this, a widespread sense
of basic respect or at least a commitment to non-interference is critical.
Thus is the beast
within tamed, suppressed, or controlled.
But the beast is not exorcised. It quickly emerges that some humans may turn
out not after all to have received their share of respect and
justice. For Zeus makes provision
concerning anyone who reveals himself incapable of "participating in respect
and justice" (...me dynamenon aidous kai dikes metechein; 322d) -
such a person will be executed as a disease to the city (noson poleos). And Protagoras troubles to develop a theory
of punishment which will be compatible with his view of the centrality of
respect and justice in political life.
On this theory, punishment of wrongdoers, of those who persist in the
pre-political pattern of mutual depredation in which beast and human were not
sufficiently different to ensure human survival, is for the sake of education
(324b). To punish a wrongdoer just
because of the wrong done, i.e., with a view only to retribution, is "to
exact vengeance just like a senseless beast" (hosper therion alogistos
timoreitai, 324b). Since this theory
of punishment seems largely prescriptive, and certainly does not fit with Greek
popular morality of the late fifth-early fourth century, we must infer that
"senseless beasts" are in fact a feature of the real political
terrain. A fairly elaborate programme of
education is described, the goal of which is to be the solid and reliable
establishment of social morality in the heart of each citizen. But (it is clearly implied) this
establishment is a project, not like religion or technical skill a
natural outgrowth of some human capacity, but an arduous process requiring
diligence and constant vigilance - for the beast is always at the city gates,
both without and within. Unlike
the other animal species, who were well-equipped for survival as they came into
the world, humans are ill-adapted, perhaps even maladapted. Political society, the clear condition of our
species' continuance, is a never-ending task.
Like the unfortunate philanthropist Lykaon of Pausanias' Arcadian
narrative, the citizen of the polis regards both himself and his
fellow-citizens as a risk-population, ever vulnerable to more or less sudden
transformations into predatory beasts.
Plato's Protagoras also notes the
existence of certain "wild people" (agrioi, 327d) in
comparison with whom even the most unjust contemporary Athenian would appear
just; these folk live without education, law-courts, or laws. Presumably then, they are a living reminder
of that pre-political scattered state in which all humans lived prior to the
development of aidos and dike.
(The fact that, if these wild people exist, it must obviously be
possible to survive outside a polis, does not seem to trouble him.)
Again it must be noted that in comparing
the retributivist to a vengeful beast, Protagoras insults the animal
kingdom. For beasts do not in fact take
vengeance on one another. Vengeance is harm returned for harm suffered; no
animal we know apart from humans is capable of conceptualizing harms and
returns thereof. What Protagoras' story
illustrates, and in this respect it echoes Pausanias' account, is the
disposition to hold up the non-human animal as a kind of negative mirror,
in which the worst or most fearsome human traits are viewed. They are viewed as possessed by another
creature; in fact, they would seem to be projections of purely human
dispositions. The beast in the
foundation story is a human invention; and like the original scapegoat is made
to bear the defects of our own nature into exile from our hearths. Adding pathos to this picture is the
unmistakeable admiration all three of the stories so far discussed express for
the animals' sheer completeness and vitality.
Unlike humans, the beasts are finished projects which thrive on their
own. We are initially incomplete, and
are only precariously completeable; we require divine or heroic assistance, and
even this does not always suffice.
Notes:
[i]. Pausanias, Description of Greece tr. W.H.S. Jones. London: Heinemann, 1933; VIII.1.5-6.
[ii]. On ancient Greek foundation stories in general, see The
Origins of Greek Thought by Jean-Pierre Vernant (New York: Cornell, 1982),
chapters 5-6. A discussion of the
varieties of foundation-story is contained in Thomas , Democritus and
the Origins of Greek Anthropology (American Philological Association
Monographs: Western Reserve University Press, 1967), introduction and chapter
I.
On the paradoxes and revealing incompletenesses of other and much later foundation-stories, see "Human Social Origins: Oh, Please Tell Us Another Story", by B. Latour and S.C. Strum; Journal of Social and Biological Structures 9 (1986), pp.167-187.
[iii]. A quite detailed treatment of the Lykaon story and of the Arcadian stories of werewolf rituals which Pausanias goes on to describe (although he finds them implausible) is contained in Walter Burkert, Homo necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983; chapters 1-2.
[iv]. For a variety of interpretations of the significance of animal sacrifice in Greek culture, ancient and modern, see Marcel Detienne and Jean-Pierre Vernant, eds., The Cuisine of Sacrifice Among the Greeks; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.
[v]. Protagoras 320c-328d; Republic 358e-359b (specific to the origins of justice and legislation, the "social-contract" theory); Statesman 272b-274e (cosmic reversal myth); Timaeus 22b-25d (the Atlantis story); Critias 109b-110c (a slight variant on the same as the preceding); Laws 677a-683c (recovery of civilization after periodic floods, development of various constitutions).
[vi]. See C.C.W. Taylor, Plato: Protagoras (Clarendon Plato Series), Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982; p.78.
[vii]. Taylor, in commentary on Protagoras cited above, assumes that the pre-political humans are organized into familial groups, and that the crucial move for humans enabled by the gifts of Zeus is that from familial or kinship groups into larger collectivities "transcending the natural kinship group" (p.81). But I find no basis in the text for the supposition of familial organization.
[viii]. Taylor, op.cit. p.81.